Lesson 6 of 6
In Progress

Bible in the World – Zephaniah

Revised by Anna Marsh, 7/23

Late Antiquity

Intertestamental Books

The Targum and other manuscripts

The ancient manuscripts of the Book of Zephaniah–principally the Targum (Aramaic), the Peshitta (Syriac), the Septuagint (Greek), the Dead Sea Scrolls (Hebrew and Greek, see below) and the Vulgate (Latin) vary considerably and consistently from one another.

The Dead Sea Scrolls

Except for a missing portion of chapter 1 (vv. 3-10), a mostly complete version of the Book of Zephaniah can be pieced together from the manuscripts among the Dead Sea Scrolls. These manuscript traditions also show that even before the turn of the first millennium, the Minor Prophets (“The Book of the Twelve”) were being read as a collection as they are preserved on the same scroll. The Hebrew manuscripts of Zephaniah were principally found in Cave 4 at Qumran, but a Greek manuscript of the book was also found in a different location, Nahal Hever.

Also found among the Dead Sea Scrolls were an assortment of documents called pesharim. Seventeen pesharim on the prophets were found, including two on Zephaniah, though they are not in very good shape. The term pesher comes from the Hebrew root meaning “to interpret,” which is what they did. A pesher will often update historical references “updated” for the community’s immediate context and they also lend themselves to an alternate, more eschatological reading than the original books. Although only very small fragments of pesharim on Zephaniah are preserved, what has been found includes comments on 1:12-13 (4QpZeph) and 1:18-2:2 (1QpZeph). Zephaniah’s spin on the “day of the Lord” theme lends itself well to the end-of-days focus typical of this genre of writing. For example, 1QpZeph clarifies that the word of destruction given in Zephaniah 2:3-6 is not necessarily given on behalf of a purified remnant (Zephaniah 2:7) but for “all the occupants of the land of Judah.”

The New Testament

The Book of Zephaniah is never directly cited in the New Testament, though it has been suggested that Zephaniah’s message of salvation against a backdrop of judgment echoes in the Book of Revelation. In particular, see Zephaniah 3:13, “the remnant of Israel / they shall do no wrong and utter no lies” and Revelation+++ 14:5, “and in their mouth no lie was found, they are blameless.”

The Apocalypse of Zephaniah

Like all pseudepigraphal documents, this piece of apocalyptic writing is associated with a significant figure from the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament. It is not entirely clear why this work is connected with Zephaniah. Our sense of this text is assembled from various fragments in two different dialects of Coptic along with a citation of a document by this name in the writings of the church father Clement of Alexandria. It is estimated that only about one quarter of the document survives. In it, the prophet recounts a journey through heaven and hell–a kind of tour of how heavenly beings do the administrative work of accounting for human souls. In other visions, Zephaniah gets repeated messages that the coming days of God’s wrath and judgment will be announced by the sounding of trumpets. Across these fragments, the vision depicts a God whose judgment is real and fearsome, but who chooses compassion, heeds intercession, and honors repentance for the righteous and wicked alike. Perhaps it is this combination of themes that forged the connection to the biblical prophet. Although it does not reference many of the hallmarks of Jewish practice (circumcision, Sabbath observance, festivals), neither does it emphasize any particularly Christian beliefs. Most scholarly work on this text suggests that it is a Jewish work written in a diaspora community (that is, outside of the land of Israel/Palestine), possibly Egypt, in the first centuries of the common era. But its citation by Clement of Alexandria shows that it was important–perhaps even more so–to early Christian communities. 

The Talmud

In the Talmud, the Book of Zephaniah is cited nearly 30 times. The Talmud is a large corpus, but this is still a surprising amount of contact with a book that is only three chapters long. Any collection of 30 citations from the Talmud will address a wide variety of topics. But two verses from Zephaniah gained more traction than others among the Talmudic sages. Zephaniah 1:15 (“that day will be a day of wrath”) is employed in comments on whether God will be angry with those who don’t keep the Sabbath, who flaunt their charity, and who scoff at/scorn others. On the flip side of this, the rabbis turn the word of wrath into a word of comfort for those who do keep the Sabbath (b. Shabbat 118a). And Zephaniah 3:13 (“the remnant of Israel shall do no wrong and utter no lies”) is cited in guidance for honest dealings with betrothals (b. Kiddushin 45b), care for prisoners (b. Pesachim 91a), and stewardship of land for agriculture (b. Bava Metzia 106b). Along with Jesse, Saul, Samuel, Amos, Hezekiah, Elijah, and the Messiah, Zephaniah is numbered among the eight “princes of humanity” in b. Sukkah 52b.

The Medieval Period

The most significant commentary on Zephaniah in the Christian tradition in the early medieval period was written by Jerome (392 CE), though it is not available in an open access form. In Judaism, several important medieval commentators produced works on the book, including Rashi (ca. 1100 CE, available in English), Ibn Ezra (ca. 1150 CE), and Radak (ca. 1200 CE).

Zephaniah and the Reformers

Martin Luther delivered a series of lectures on the Minor Prophets during 1524-1526, arriving at Zephaniah in the summer of 1525. Luther understood the prophet to be clearly pointing to the New Testament: [Zephaniah is] “quite simple and clear…mak[ing] the clearest prophecies about the kingdom of Christ.” He shies away from the global or cosmic view many find in Zephaniah, suggesting that the references to “the face of the earth,” (1:2, 3) refer only to the province of Judah, and so Zephaniah’s judgment is taken to directly foretell the Babylonian exile. At the same time, he links Zephaniah’s reference to the “idolatrous priests” with the clerics of his time–those who are “more deeply interested in religion and the worship of God than all the rest”–and draws many parallels between Zephaniah’s concern for idolatry and the religion of his day. Consider his comment on 1:14:

You see, as we have said before, they felt smug, they had no fear for themselves, they were confirmed in their false idea. But so it happens with the wicked. When they reach full flower and have complete control, when nothing seems less possible than their destruction, then sudden destruction comes to them… The prophet here is saying the same thing, as if to say: “You are confident in that success of yours, but don’t think that the Lord will tell you a lie when He predicts captivity for you. It is already threatening you.”

(LW, Lectures on the Minor Prophets, vol. 18, p. 333).

Other Protestant Reformers, especially John Calvin and Rudolph Walther (the son-in-law of Swiss Reformer Ulrich Zwingli), commented on Zephaniah, emphasizing the value of the prophet’s threat of God’s wrath and the applicability of his words to their own historical and political contexts. Moving into the modern era, while Zephaniah’s criticisms of the religious establishment continue to be valued, the book’s lack of artistry has led it to fall out of favor with interpreters. One commentator says that Zephaniah “can hardly be considered a great poet” and another calls his writing “merely a compendium of previous prophetic traditions.”

Zephaniah in Art & Literature

Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts

Zephaniah appears in illuminated manuscripts throughout the medieval period. Notably, in one illumination from the Rossano Gospels, Zephaniah appears (far right, his name is written in Greek– “Sophonias”) under depictions the Last Supper and Jesus washing the disciples’ feet. The appearance of the prophet is believed to be a nod to his genealogy (Zephaniah 1:1) where he is identified as a descendant of the House of David, as if Jesus’ ancestors are endorsing his acts of service as his death looms on the horizon.

Dies Irae

Zephaniah plays a major role in the Mass for the Dead in the Christian tradition. The Vulgate’s Latin translation of Zephaniah 1:15 (Hebrew: yom ev’rah ha-yom ha-hu; “a day of wrath, that day [will be]”) into Latin as dies irae, dies illa. These lines were originally included in a poem dated to the 13th century and then arranged into a Gregorian chant. The opening line of this piece is now one of the most familiar motifs in the Western musical tradition. The full text of the poem is quite long, but this verse lives on primarily through repeated citations of the opening musical line by other composers. It has been cited in works by classical composers such as Mozart, Verdi, Rachmaninoff, Liszt and many others, but also in numerous film scores, such as Star Wars: A New Hope, The Lord of the Rings, It’s a Wonderful Life, The Lion King, and host of horror movies. It is also featured in the stage productions from Goethe’s Faust to Steven Sondheim musical Sweeney Todd (“Prologue: The Ballad of Sweeney Todd”). In all of these settings, the musical motif is used to signal the specter of death. For more on these references in film scores, see this story on Slate or listen to this episode of the podcast Twenty Thousand Hertz.

Uncle Tom’s Cabin

In Harriet Beecher Stowe’s 1851 novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, the character St. Clare muses about what will bring an end to the evils of slavery:

“I don’t know. One thing in certain…there is a dies irae coming on, sooner or later…my mother used to tell me of a millennium that was coming, when Christ should reign, and all men should be free and happy. And she taught me to pray, “Thy kingdom come.” Sometimes I think all this sighing and groaning and stirring among the dry bones foretells what she used to tell me was coming. But who may abide the day of his appearing?”

Referencing Ezekiel 37’s valley of the dry bones, and weaving in Zephaniah 1:15 and Malachi 3:2, the character envisions a restored and reoriented social order emerging on the far side of a full reckoning.

In Modern Art

Artistic representations of and from the Book of Zephaniah are limited and they take a variety of approaches to the book’s content. The French painter James Tissot did a series of portraits of the Hebrew prophets. His depiction of Zephaniah (1900) nods to the prophet’s apparently elevated lineage with elegant, ceremonial dress. By contrast, a mid-18th century watercolor by the Russian painter Ivan Alekseevich Ermenev, “Singing Beggars,” focuses on Zephaniah’s promises of restoration, which envision current circumstances–such as poverty (cf. Zephaniah 3:12)–being transformed in a messianic age.

Contemporary Uses & Interpretation:

In Lectionaries and Worship

Beyond the use of Zephaniah 1:15 in the funeral mass (see above)–the liturgical use of Zephaniah is rather limited. In the Revised Common Lectionary, Zephaniah appears twice in the three-year cycle. Zephaniah 1:7, 12-18 is read on the 25th Sunday after Pentecost in Year A, paired with Matthew 25’s parable of the talents and 1 Thessalonians 5’s warning that the “day of the Lord will come like a thief in the night” (1 Thessalonians 5:1-11). Zephaniah 3:14-20 is scheduled for the Third Sunday of Advent in Year C, where its promises of restoration and deliverance from circumstances of shame and disgrace are connected with John’s exhortations about “the one more powerful than [him]” in Luke 3:7-18. These are connected with promises of healing in the messianic age.

In some Jewish lectionaries, Zephaniah 3:9-17, 20 (“at that time I will change the speech of the peoples… / that all may call on the name of the Lord”) is the haftarah–a reading from the Prophets paired with a Torah reading–for the Tower of Babel account in Genesis 11.

Zephaniah’s Social Location

The long patronymic at the opening of the book is unusual, and it may simply suggest that Zephaniah was from a prominent family. But it also has raised questions about Zephaniah’s racial and ethnic identity. If the reference to Zephaniah as ben Cushi can be interpreted as his hailing from Ethiopia (Cush is the Bible’s term for Ethiopia, cf. Genesis 10:6; 2 Kings 19:9; Isaiah 11:11, 43:3; Ezekiel 30:4; Nahum 3:9, etc.), how would this have affected his social location as a prophet in Jerusalem in the 7th century BCE? Scholars arguing for this theory have suggested that Zephaniah demonstrates a keen interest in Ethiopia, but besides that there is value in reading this text from a marginalized perspective, that of a person of African descent now living elsewhere. This perspective offers insight into Zephaniah’s prophecy being so focused on centering the marginalized (cf. 3:10, 12). This is a modern tradition, however. Both canonical and apocryphal traditions within Judaism and Christianity from antiquity and through the medieval period suggest that Zephaniah was from Judah, possibly Jerusalem, and possibly even of royal blood.

Zephaniah and Disability Studies

In recent years, the Bible’s discourse about the body has gained traction in scholarship. From sex and gender to race and ethnicity to social class and political identity to ability and disability, new forms of criticism are opening up fresh lines of inquiry. Zephaniah participates in this biblical rhetoric of disability at two key points, and both texts happen to be the ones that appear in the Revised Common Lectionary. In 1:17, Zephaniah promises that the coming judgment will be so disorienting that people will “walk like the blind”; in 3:19 comes a word of promise framed in similar terms, “I will save the lame and gather the outcast.” While it might seem that biblical references to the very human experience of things such as “blind,” “deaf,” “lame,” are straightforwardly intended as references to healing and wholeness that God is capable of restoring, scholars who work in this area argue that the Bible constructs a more complex portrait. This material raises questions about major categories in the Bible–everything from holiness to chosenness to God’s power–as well as how we construct categories such as “disability” in our contemporary contexts. How does the discussion of bodies–in all of their forms, with all of their biological and social constraints–deepen our understanding of biblical literature, of the human experience, and of God? While it may be that the prophet intended to send a straightforward message of judgment or promise using images of disabled bodies, how does that message land with wider interpretive communities today? For more on this topic, consider reading Rebecca Raphael’s Biblical Corpora: Representations of Disability in Hebrew Biblical Literature (New York: T&T Clark, 2008) or Disability Studies and Biblical Literature, edited by Candida Moss and Jeremy Schipper (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).